jump to navigation

The November Revolution Thursday, 6 November, 2008

Posted by alexcabuz in Uncategorized.
add a comment

The election of Barack Obama as president of the United States is the most significant geo-political event since the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin wall. And it’s not because of the color of his skin, which, in the long run, will probably turn out to have little more than symbolic significance. Neither is it because of its signaling some deep shift in American society: Obama won the election not because the American people have seen the “error of their ways” of the last 8 years, but because he ran a brilliant campaign, while the republican campaign may be described as a kind of dismal populist traveling circus. Republicans could have easily won against Obama, had they run a decent campaign.

Rather, some of the reasons why Pres. Obama is well placed to exert an influence on American politics, economy and society for decades to come, are similar to why FDR did. FDR’s New Deal was responsible for laying down the basic physical and human infrastructure (via the GI bill among others) which made possible the economic miracle of the after-war years. We are in a similar crisis today, and Obama is a man who is in the right place at the right time.

Today it is a fact which is accepted across the political spectrum, that both the physical and human infrastructure are crumbling. The supply-side (or trickle-down) policies of the last 3 decades do not seem to have reversed that process, but rather to have accelerated it. Supply-side economics is an economic theory which starts from the assumption that the upper class is the engine of an economy. However, history has shown repeatedly, and in many different times and places, that an upper class, while necessary, is not sufficient. It is the middle class that is the real engine of an economy. America has neglected its middle class at its own peril.

A middle class thrives on freedom: freedom from disease, freedom from fear and freedom from ignorance, of which the latter two may be seen as forms of mental disease. These are the fundamental ingredients which help a middle class, and thereby a modern democracy, prosper.

Neo-conservatives, however, have practically made official policy out of actively feeding the middle class with fear (“terrorism”) and ignorance (the entertainment that passes for “news”, failing pre-university education), while allowing chronic diseases (obesity, diabetes, cancer, heart disease) to spiral out of control through excessive stress, poor nutrition, and above all, a deeply dysfunctional health “system”.

What makes Obama’s presidency a landmark is his recognition of the three essential ingredients mentioned above, and his insistence on the idea that government can be a force for good. It may seem paradoxical for a country traditionally suspicious of government, but America owes its prosperous present to inspired actions of its government in the past. The great leaps in innovation and technology, leading to increased prosperity and retreating poverty around the world over the last 4 decades, have been overwhelmingly government funded (whether American or not). The communications (satellites), energy (generation, distribution) and transportation (highways, trains, shipping) infrastructure to which America owes its miraculous growth over the last half century would never have existed without government “intervention”. See for example the visionary Vannevar Bush report of July 1945.

Moreover, Pres. Obama also seems to be acutely aware of the looming climate crisis, and seems uniquely determined to do something about it. The whole planet eagerly waits for him to follow his words with actions. America’s leading position as generator of garbage in all its forms (actual trash, pollutants from agriculture, carbon dioxide, nuclear waste) makes it the keystone of any worldwide effort to dodge the oncoming environmental bullet. Without America, any such effort is doomed to crumble, and, eventually, with it, human civilization as we know it. It is deeply misleading to speak of “Saving the planet”. Any biologist knows that the “planet” will do just fine, and indeed, has weathered worse crises in the past; it’s only us humans that might not make it. We need to find a way to avoid becoming victims of our own success.

This is why, in the long run, President Obama’s skin color, though the most talked about issue at the present time, will turn out to be only a historical curiosity, a footnote. What the chapter titles will be, we will have to wait and see, but I am betting on the environment, and on freedom from disease, fear and ignorance.

Creative Commons License

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 3.0 Unported License. Alexandru Ioan Căbuz 2008.

Evolution and creationism Friday, 17 October, 2008

Posted by alexcabuz in Uncategorized.
add a comment

The debate is old and tired. Seems unlikely I may contribute anything new to it, but I think a more pragmatic point of view may be useful.

The debate is usually framed in terms of the internal structure, assumptions and claims of the two points of view. But I think that in order to see clearly, or in any case, clearer, one need not delve into that mire. I, for instance think that the most potent (and in the long term the only relevant) argument is the pragmatic one: how useful are the different points of view. Will I have a better life, will myself and my family fare better if I am an evolutionist, or a creationist?

It is interesting that this question does not have as simple an answer as it might seem. At first sight, evolution seems to win hands down. Here’s why this may seem to be the case. Let’s imagine two types of hospitals and pharmacies. The first type contains doctors who believe in evolution, and drugs developed by scientists who believe in evolution, and who think in evolutionary terms. The second type contains doctors who believe in creationism and drugs developed by scientists who believe in creationism, and think in creationist terms. The fact of the matter is that the second type of health care would have very little to offer, if anything.

Consequently, one may argue that life is better as an evolutionist, since without evolutionist care and drugs most of us would live far shorter and more painful lives than we currently do.

But then why is there a persistent creationist minority even in the most highly developed and educated societies? The answer is simple: belief in a Creator brings non-negligible internal reassurance to human psychology. One may use game theory, which is a mathematical theory which does not require or imply evolution or creationism, to show that as long as creationism brings non-negligible psychological benefit to people, then the equilibrium population density of creationists will be non-zero.

None of this means, of course that in the long term one or the other of the two approaches will prevail, even though it seems like in the current context of highly developed industrialized societies evolution theory has the advantage. It is not hard to imagine economic, climatic or military crises which would quite reverse the situation, bringing evolution theory from its dominant place down to a marginal minority, the way it was a century and a half ago.

But for the time being, it seems like the pragmatic, self interested thing to do is to believe in evolution, or at the very least, be willing to trust people who believe in it with one’s life. In any case, most creationists do this every day, and a good thing it is.

It’s official: the market is an end in itself Monday, 22 September, 2008

Posted by alexcabuz in Uncategorized.
Tags: , , , ,
add a comment

Market fundamentalism holds that market failures result from misguided or excessive regulation. Deregulation, that is, leaving markets unencumbered by government intervention leads to the best and most efficient allocation of resources.

The criticism of bureaucratic meddling in the economy is based on the argument that even though bureaucracies are created to serve the public, they tend to increase their power beyond their mandate. They take on a life of their own, and start defending their own interests instead of the interests of the public, leading to inefficient allocation of resources. The result is that rather than the bureaucracy working to serve the citizen, it is the citizen who ends up working to serve the bureaucracy.

The first (and classic) criticism that may be brought against this view is that deregulation does not necessarily lead to what market fundamentalists call a “free market”. In order for a market to function a set of rules must be enforced, such as the rule that once committed to the rules of a contract, one must respect them. Markets are not known to exist in any environment without a strong central authority guaranteeing a set of basic rules. Examples are lawless tribal areas in several regions of the world, as well as historical circumstances such as pre-Columbian North America. It is hardly tenable to claim that the economic system of pre-Columbian North America, which lacked any kind of government, was an optimal allocation of the resources of the continent. Thus when market fundamentalists talk about deregulation, that’s not what they really mean. What they mean is this: “we want the kind of regulation that allows us to make as much money as possible”. However, they never specify the details of the regulation they require. Thus the debate continues, and the only two real arguments a market fundamentalist has ever had are
A. “this particular piece of regulation is bad because in this particular instance it prevented me from making this amount of money”
and
B. “communism failed so government regulation is bad”.

The first argument is too narrow in time, taking into account only conditions in a very specific set of circumstances, and the second argument is far too broad, since even the most overzealous government bureaucrat in the Western world today would never dream of seriously proposing a communist economic reform.

But perhaps an even more important, second criticism of market fundamentalism is that markets are just as capable as bureaucracies of falling into self-serving spirals. Markets also may become ends rather than means, where rather than serving the consumer, it is the consumer that ends up serving the market.

An excellent example of this extreme situation is the massive bailout plan proposed by the Bush administration this weekend. This plan basically requires American consumers to hand over a blank check of over 1.2 trillion dollars (700 billion, plus the 500 billion already committed) in order to keep the market alive. The circle is complete. The consumer now officially serves the financial system (i.e. the market), rather than the financial system being in the service of the consumer.

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 3.0 Unported License. Alexandru Ioan Căbuz 2008.

Ontology, truth and politics Friday, 19 September, 2008

Posted by alexcabuz in Uncategorized.
Tags: , , , ,
add a comment

The branch of philosophy known as ontology is the fundamental, defining delusion of western civilization. In this sense Parmenides may be said to be the founding father of western civilization.

An ontology may be defined as a state of mind whereby one is in denial of time, or change. Parmenides is famous for having argued that time is an illusion. The remarkable longevity and power of this untenable and almost childish notion can be ascribed to the very strong appeal it has to any thinker who seeks to have an impact on the external world (i.e. the world outside his thoughts).

Any thinker considering the possibility of translating his ideas into action will find that ontology is uniquely suited to his purposes. Ontology opens the door to a correspondence theory of truth, allowing him to claim that his views “are true”, that they reflect the fundamental “reality”, rendering his chosen course of action not only desirable but inevitable. Any other course of action would be inconsistent with “reality”. When words such as “right”, “just”, “fair”, “moral”, “true”, “progress”, “evil”, “God’s will”, are used to justify an action, it is an instance of ontology being put to work.

Thus ontology is the perfect, fundamental feature of a culture that makes history. It has been used by men and women of action around the world to create turbulence in the otherwise laminar flow of time. As a consequence it has led to both great acts of creation and of destruction. The stereotypical example is the meteoric trajectory of Napoleon Bonaparte.

The main drawback of ontological thinking is that, while making history, it inevitably uses human beings as laboratory mice in the great social, political, military, economic or other experiments conducted by powerful people of action. Of course, this has been until now unavoidable, due to our very limited understanding of the dynamics of complex systems such as the human body, the human mind, and the biosphere in general, which includes human society, economy, politics, and science. The only alternative to action was paralysis, leading to destruction and death at the hands of other people of action. Refraining from action would only lead, ineluctably, to becoming a mouse in someone else’s experiment.

Strictly speaking, this approach is no different from how the animal world functions: humans, while partially protected from the caprices of the environment by their mastery of technology, have remained subject to the arbitrary yet self-inflicted caprices of their own views and ideas, which have often proven to be at least as unpredictable and destructive as the environment had been centuries previously. Among the most recent, widely known, and also I believe, last representatives of this ontology-centered paradigm are the neo-conservative followers of Leo Strauss.

The first serious challenge to ontology was brought by Charles Darwin. However this has not been recognized for what it was due to the fact that it was concerned with the natural world, rather than with the world of ideas.

The second, more direct attack was undertaken by Karl Popper. He was the first to adopt a non-ontologic view of truth, but rather an evolutionary view. By its explicit recognition of the role of time and change, his work can truly be seen as a turning point in the evolution of Western civilization. The great cycle which started with Parmenides is finally closing. Time is slowly coming back into its rights.

But the work of Popper was only the beginning. Most of his notions are still beholden to the old ontological conceptions of truth and reality. The next step was a reformulation of logic to remove “truth” and replace it with “belief”, which has been achieved with the theory of probability as logic, espoused most notably by Edwin T. Jaynes.

The groundwork has now been laid for a true paradigm shift in modern science and philosophy. The new paradigm will be associated with words such as “complex”, “relational”, “information”, “evolution”, “emergence”, “open”. The catalysts of the next phase of this shift will undoubtedly be, in science, the failure of the LHC to find the Higgs boson, and in politics the end of a -polar world (uni, bi…) leading to an “à la carte” age of world politics.

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 3.0 Unported License. Alexandru Ioan Căbuz 2008.

Modern political philosophy 101 Tuesday, 9 September, 2008

Posted by alexcabuz in Uncategorized.
Tags: ,
add a comment

American conservative: “Speak softly but carry a big stick.”

American neo-conservative: “Words are wasted. Let the stick speak.”

American liberal: “Sticks and stones will break our bones.”

European left: “Speak softly. Grown-ups don’t play with sticks.”

European right: “OK, but let’s get a bigger stick, just in case.”

A philosophy of science in less than 35 words Sunday, 15 June, 2008

Posted by alexcabuz in Uncategorized.
add a comment

When thought and understanding fail, one resorts to calculation.
When calculation fails, one resorts to computation.
When computation fails, one resorts to experimentation.
When experimentation fails, one resorts to thought and understanding.

Though there are many scientists who act as if science started after the first or even after the second comma.

Reforming Romanian higher education Thursday, 7 February, 2008

Posted by alexcabuz in education, English, reform, Romania, Uncategorized.
Tags: , , ,
add a comment

In the article titled “Reforming Romanian higher education: the ivory tower and the entrepreneurial model” I argue that a separation between the evaluation of research and teaching in Romanian public universities is necessary to insulate the new generation of ambitious young Romanian researchers from the negative influence of the highly conservative privileged caste of obsolete faculty left behind by the communist regime.

Moreover, I analyze the broad features of the historical evolution of the University in Western Europe and America and argue that the distinction between the evaluation of research and education is a necessary next step in any reform aiming for a productive but also sustainable higher education and research system.

Cercetarea şi învăţământul superior românesc Monday, 5 November, 2007

Posted by alexcabuz in educaţie, Romania, Uncategorized.
Tags: ,
add a comment

Invăţământul superior românesc este într-o stare avansată de deteriorare. Analize detaliate sunt disponibile în documentele „Propuneri de reformă a sistemului de învăţământ superior din România” (Studiu FAR) şi „Propuneri de reformă a sistemului cercetării ştiinţifice din România” (Studiu Ad-Astra).

Aceste documente analizează în detaliu problemele din învăţământ şi cercetare, şi propun soluţii care deşi par rezonabile întâmpină o rezistenţa puternică în mediul academic. Rezultatul este că foarte puţine dintre sugestii au fost implementate cu succes de la apariţia acestor documente în 2003 respectiv 2005. În acest scurt articol aş dori să tentez o explicaţie.

Situaţia universităţilor româneşti astăzi este asemănătoare cu cea a proverbialei persoane în vârstă care este „ajutată” să treacă strada deşi, de fapt, ea nu doreşte acest lucru. Această rezistenţă, însă, nu apare doar la vârf, nu este doar un artefact al unor conduceri învechite care ar fi pierdut contactul cu dorinţele membrilor instituţiilor. Democraţia universitară, funcţională în majoritatea instituţiilor, înseamnă că rezistenţa împotriva reformei, împotriva modernizării, este o trăsătură generală şi profundă a mediului academic românesc.

Prin urmare nu trebuie să fim surprinşi sau indignaţi că guverne succesive au fost incapabile să declanşeze o reformă profundă în sistemul de cercetare şi învăţământ superior. Ele s-au confruntat cu o majoritate covârşitoare de salariaţi care sunt direct interesaţi în păstrarea status-quo-ului. Ei se folosesc de autonomia universitară ca de un scut împotriva oricărei tentative de intervenţie sau control exterior. Rezultatul este că universităţile cheltuiesc banii contribuabilului fără a asuma nici o răspundere pentru calitatea rezultatelor. Evaluarea universitarilor nu se face decât de alţi universitari, şi situaţia pare să fie aproape întotdeauna bună, cel puţin în rapoartele şi evaluările oficiale.

De aceea sunt de părere că orice reforma în învăţământul superior românesc nu se poate face printr-o abordare directă. Este foarte uşor ca universitarii rezistenţi oricărei iniţiative guvernamentale să o discrediteze: ei pot să nu coopereze sau să o aplice prost în mod intenţionat, şi apoi să critice demagogic rezultatele. Este o tactică care şi-a arătat eficienţa nu numai la noi în ţară dar şi în sisteme politice mult mai dezvoltate. Este tactica principală folosită de conservatorii americani pentru a discredita reglementările cu tentă socială în domeniile sănătăţii, educaţiei sau altor probleme de ordin social începând cu administraţia Nixon.

Pe scurt, este o greşeală să ne bazăm pe senatele universitare de azi pentru a implementa o reformă a învăţământului şi cercetării. Rezultatul ar fi mult sub aşteptări, şi asta indiferent de cât de bine gândită si serioasă ar fi acea reformă.

Motivul pentru care mediul academic românesc are o inerţie atât de mare este pentru că invăţământul superior românesc este un monopol de stat care a fost şi încă este protejat de orice formă de control sau competiţie. Ca urmare, faptul că şi calitatea şi competitivitatea lui nu au disparut în întregime este mai degrabă surprinzător şi un indicator al standardelor ridicate şi culturii calităţii dinaintea perioadei comuniste.

De aceea o reformă eficientă trebuie să conţină două ingrediente esentiale: control şi competiţie. Aceste doua ingrediente corespund în mare unei abordări de tip pull/push. Aş argumenta că dintre cele două competiţia (push) este cea mai importantă, din următorul motiv. Pe termen scurt orice comisie naţională însărcinată cu controlul calităţii (pull) în universităţi nu ar putea fi compusă decât din universitari, iar selectarea acestora va fi inevitabil contestată şi va fi dificil ca aceasta să aibă un mandat puternic. În plus, măsurile ei vor putea fi întotdeauna ocolite sau implementate necorespunzător.

Competiţia, însă, este mai greu de evitat pentru că ea dă studentului o alternativă. Este suficient ca în ţară să existe un singur institut sau centru cu adevărat competitiv la scară internaţională pentru ca mediocritatea generalizată în restul sistemului să devină foarte greu de justificat, chiar şi de cel mai abil demagog. Un astfel de centru ar atrage cei mai buni studenţi, cei mai buni cercetători, si ar beneficia de o expunere mediatică şi un prestigiu care ar constitui cel mai eficient mijloc de a submina monopolul academic fosil existent.

Câteva trăsături esenţiale ale unui astfel de centru de excelenţă le expun în articolul „Proiect de relansare a cercetării româneşti” din Revista Ad-Astra, vol. 5, nr. 1.

Este încurajator că o idee aparent asemănătoare pare se fie elaborată într-unul din documentele de lucru (încă nepublicate) ale Comisiei Prezidenţiale Pentru Analiza Şi Elaborarea Politicilor Din Domeniile Educaţiei Şi Cercetării. Raportul acesteia din 6 iulie 2007 este primul document oficial onest de după 1989 al Statului român pe tema calităţii cercetării şi învăţământului superior şi un punct de plecare promiţător pentru o reformă serioasă şi eficientă în educaţie şi cercetare.

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.